The New BJP – An Objective and Scholarly Study of BJP
12 Feb 2022 15:52:00
Since 2014, there have been rash of books on BJP; mostly focused on leadership of PM Narendra Modi and his close aide Amit Shah. I can divide the writers broadly into two sets – critics who look at it with blinkers of communalism with too many assumptions; and those writers who wish to be noticed by the right people or wish to cross over to the ‘right’ side. Most of such books end up as hagiographies presented well with lot of data and statistics suitable for their purpose. There is hardly any book that has researched the rise and expansion of BJP objectively with hitherto ‘unseen’ data available there in the open, more focused on organisation science than only on leaders.
Mehta takes an incisive look at the myths around BJP – an urban-centric party, a high caste party, an elitist party, a party with limited agenda of Hindutva that has grown on communal rhetoric, an anti-women regressive party, anti-minority party, etc. He uses his big data analytics tools to x-ray BJP’s communication strategy and use of digital technology to re-organize the party ground up and use of these tools to keep the workers on ground busy with field work, not to be woken up only in election season. Every political analyst should read these perceptive initial chapters - both to understand the grand strategy and deeply rooted in the soil style of working and constant fine tuning by BJP and its growth. It is like a primary source book for any political party, if it wishes to grow. Every wannabe leader and serious Politian should read this colossal work to rise above usual abuse and criticism, and understand why their sustained abuse and negative response to BJP and its policies is not working.
BJP’s merger and acquisition, split and acquisition strategies in the North East Region are noticed well and lamented by its critics as purely political upmanship. But, as Nalin points out there has been years of hard work on the ground by RSS and its affiliate organisations in trying circumstances that gave BJP the leeway to create space for itself. With that foothold, it could use development as the key to change the mood in this region.
Failure of seasoned analysts to see sustained work of BJP to get more women into its fold is surprising. This is one of the most impressive studies by the author. Nalin provides minute details of BJP’s strategy, specially focus of Modi ji on women empowerment. People who wish to brush off BJP successes as a temporary phenomenon have not understood the importance of solid work in this area. Author ends up raising questions about west dictated feminism of the left and Indian version of feminism as espoused by ideological family of Sangh including BJP. It brings in bold relief, why left feminism is stuck in a rut while feminism rooted in Indian ethos is growing from strength to strength. In these sections too, his data tools add right weight to his arguments. However, he has not given right weightage to Rashtra Sevika Samiti in its role in providing the foundational base to Jan Sangh and later BJP within women.
Nalin Mehta doesn’t shy away from any aspect of BJP’s thinking and working. He looks at the ideological issues and dilemma that BJP and its earlier avatar Bharatiya Jan Sangh faced. For this, his research of BJP archives and his interviews with various mid-level and ground level workers and leaders are a treasure. It is a tricky area for a politically neutral observer and researcher and Nalin navigates it skilfully though sometimes he slips a bit. If he had studied Integral Humanism propounded Deendayal Upadhyay a little more so he wouldn’t dismiss it lightly as some kind of rhetorical fluffy idea. It is clearer than what Marx had laid out for Communist movements. Upadhyay ji’s analysis in his foundational work about what was wrong with Communism and Capitalism when they were at their pinnacle has proved to be correct and his alternative ‘Third Way,’ as Dattopant Thengdi called it, is more in tune with Bharatiya ethos and useful for our society as Modi ji has shown.
Author has managed to lay his hands a very interesting document from a gentleman in Mumbai who had raised a question with real data long back, “Why most of the BJP members don’t get elected again?” It generated heated debates within Jan Sangh. It is a question that used to be raised by many BJP supporters. Nalin then goes on to tell us how Modi and his team has been able to solve this problem. He shares many conflicts and disagreements within BJP beginning from its foundation. Most importantly he shows how BJP is actually completing many tasks that founding members of Jan Sangh had set for themselves in 1951. So, there is a sense of continuity even as the party takes a totally independent route to growth.
Interestingly, while other parties split and re-split on ideological issues, BJP could overcome the differences successfully. Though some leaders left, the party didn’t split. He shows how BJP under Modi and Shah has created its own massive membership and cadre that was a wish of BJP leaders for long. Nalin is right in comparing BJP membership with Communist Party of China’s membership as both are political parties. But he is mistaken in comparing the size of RSS cadre and BJP membership. RSS is a ‘man-making’ organisation that tries to create a responsible, selfless, disciplined, patriotic disciplined citizen with years of nurturing. His members end up contributing his time, energy and money without any expectations in return. Unlike BJP, RSS has no power and perks to offer to its cadre.
For the author, the trickiest part must have been to make sense of organic relationship between BJP and RSS - ‘umbilical relationship’ as Nalin calls it. He has not taken easy way out and assumed anything. He has done his own in-depth research. As an insider I may not agree to many of his observations but he is closest to the truth as an outsider. He is not arrogant to claim that he has understood it fully. He has rightly focused on relatively lesser known organisations like Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Saraswati Shishu Mandir from among extended ideological family of RSS. He has again done remarkable data discovery and analysis. However, I think, he missed out on the key role ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad) is playing in providing the leadership material to BJP since the ascent of late Arun Jaitley. Adding a few hundred words on ABVP would have enriched his work.
Nalin shows his political journalist side in the last chapter. He sticks his neck out with much better understanding of BJP. He analyses the future of BJP beyond Modi; he also brings out the problems that beset the opposition. It is an interesting analysis, so I won’t disclose it. It is not an easy task in the dynamically changing political scenario in India but he has done well in not shying away from having his say.
Nalin Mehta’s massive tome ‘The New BJP -Modi and Making of the World’ Largest Political Party’ is a huge break from the way we study and analyse Indian politics and political parties. He has used hard data and invented new statistical tools with the help of experienced journalists which gives his study a decisive edge. For students of contemporary politics like me, many of his observations are obvious statement of facts, but what makes them unquestionable is the data that he presents with easy-to-understand simplicity buttressed by on-field interactions.
The size of the book shouldn’t deter you from laying your hands and eyes on it. It is easy flowing analysis with many unknown stories with lot of easily understandable graphics. No reader will leave it half read. By all means, this is a path breaking book on political studies and the best one so far on by an outsider.